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Monday, March 5, 2012

Santorum Gets it Wrong

Monday, March 5, 2012 - 0 Comments

Rick Santorum recently made a statement that a speech given by John F. Kennedy made him “want to throw up.”  The speech he refers to was given by Kennedy on September 12, 1960, where he expressed his views on church-state separation.    Santorum was sickened by this speech because he believed Kennedy supported keeping people of faith out of the public square.   However, Santorum got it all very wrong.   Kennedy’s brilliant and eloquent speech addressed to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association was a turning point in American history, a moment in history where he had to address the topic of being a presidential candidate who was Catholic.     
This article highlights Kennedy’s speech and his definition of church-state separation in the face of opposition, opposition being the “historic Protestant fear that a Catholic could not support separating church from state.”   The speech was addressed to Protestant ministers, which, the article states, were some of the “most skeptical, if not hostile, voices which challenged Kennedy’s candidacy.”   Kennedy referenced the chief topic as the “so-called religious issue.”   At that time, 25 percent of the voters said they would not vote for a Catholic, compared to today’s voters of only 7 percent who oppose the prospect of a Catholic president.   
Kennedy’s views on church-state separation are not what Santorum asserted.   Kennedy never discussed or alluded to keeping people of faith out of the public square.   Rather, Kennedy publically and fully embraced his faith, which “happened to be Catholic,” and declared that he would not “disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.”   He promised to “resign the office” if a conflict arose between his conscience or following national interest.   Additionally, he cautioned against officials using religion as an instrument to impose their religion on the nation.
In the speech, Kennedy envisioned “ . . . an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches . . . ”   He further envisioned America’s religious liberty as stated in the First Amendment, where the government does not take sides on religion.  . . .  where the founding fathers “fought for the Virginia Statute of Religious freedom.”  . . . “ . . an America where religious intolerance will someday end. . where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind. . .”
Sadly, Santorum decontextualized the speech by removing it from its historical moment and reinterpreted it to fit with the political discourse of social conservatives of 2012.  More appropriately, he simply misused this speech.    What does Santorum’s response and behavior towards this speech reveal?  Mostly, it reveals that Santorum cannot read critically and understand a speech given in its historical environment or understand its relevance to him as a Catholic presidential candidate fifty years later.  In 1960, Catholics and other religious minorities were trying to assert their religious freedom according to the First Amendment in a Protestant dominant nation.   Kennedy refers to the First Amendment and to the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom for constitutional and historical backing. 
It also reveals a disconnect between the struggle for religious freedom and the prevalence of religious intolerance towards certain religious groups in 1960 to present day of a pluralistic society where ‘Christian’ affiliation does not appear to be a force of contention – where Santorum’s Catholicism is not an issue.   The disconnect is evidenced by the political and social conservative discourse that propels [Christian] religion into the political arena, creating a dominant theme and highlighting how one displays zeal towards their faith as a necessary component for presidential candidacy.  
This is precisely what Kennedy cautioned against, for government not to take sides on religion. . for no bloc voting of any kind . . .  Perhaps todays voters are able to see the real issues beyond a candidate’s religion or their religious zealousness and are not merely ‘bloc voting.’  Perhaps today’s voters are more intelligent than the audience to whom Santorum believed he was speaking.  I want to believe that the nation is moving forward to embrace religious liberty of the First Amendment and the freedom to believe or not to believe.   The noisy political discourse today appears to be using religion as an instrument, not to question their religious [Christian] affiliation, but to measure the degree of one’s religious zealousness and how that would translate in the political arena.    Surely rational arguments exist beyond Santorum’s misstep.
For a full reading on Kennedy’s September 12, 1960 speech:    
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkhoustonministers.html

Sunday, March 4, 2012

Santorum, Kennedy, and the Separation of Church and State

Sunday, March 4, 2012 - 0 Comments

At the end of February, presidential candidate Rick Santorum relayed his nauseated response to President John F. Kennedy’s 1960 speech regarding “the absolute separation of church and state.” In this editorial, R. Albert Mohler Jr., president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, sides with Santorum that an “absolute” separation is impossible although he states that Santorum “clearly missed some of the careful nuances of Kennedy’s speech.” While President Ronald Reagan’s name has been batted around recently as well I wonder if Santorum is attempting to highlight tensions between himself and fellow Catholic President Kennedy due to scandal brought to light earlier that month with an extensive interview with Mimi Alford.

After expressing his gastrointestinal distress, Santorum proclaimed “The idea that the church can have no influence or no involvement in the operation of the state is absolutely antithetical to the objectives and vision of our country.” This exhibits not only Santorum’s literal, uninformed reading of history but a very narrow view as it appears he can not understand why American citizens of other or no faiths are uncomfortable with this. This completely threatens the separation of church and state which apparently is not as solid and uncontested as believed. Mohler states that it is impossible to have a complete separation of the government and all religious institutions as evidenced by the continuous flow of legal proceedings regarding faith based conflicts. In addition, “Human beings are composite creatures, and there is no way that authentic religious beliefs can be safely isolated from an individual’s total worldview.”

It is in this way that Kennedy diverges from Santorum and Mohler on ideas of church and state. In 1960, then candidate John F. Kennedy was facing a similar problem as Mitt Romney. As a Catholic presidential candidate, Kennedy had to prove to the American public that he would work for and with Americans within the defined secular, American laws and not act as a puppet for the Pope forfeiting American autonomy to Catholic rule. The American people wanted this separation, at least from the Catholic Church. Many of his contemporaries described President Kennedy as able to “compartmentalize his life” in this way, for better or worse, in both the political and personal spheres. I assume, although it is not stated explicitly, that Santorum views this compartmentalization as equally destructive to America as it has been to President Kennedy.

We do need different guidelines to operate in the diverse areas of our world especially the American president, whose decisions have far reaching effects on diverse groups of people. I agree with Mohler that our beliefs, religious or not, are part of who we are and influence our decisions. However, politicians are required to make decisions based on American law not religious doctrine. Kennedy reaffirmed the American ideal of religion as being dependent only on the individual’s conscience and therefore one can not incorporate religion into the government and impose these beliefs, with no legal grounds, on other individuals. Although there is obviously overlap between legal and religious realms in The United States this does not mean we should throw our hands up and stop trying to navigate this grey area and in the process make some Americans vulnerable with the loss of their civil liberties.

Santorum Backs Nullifying Existing Gay Marriages

           A recent article from the San Francisco Chronicle claims that Rick Santorum supports the creation of a constitutional amendment which would not only prohibit same-sex marriages, but also nullify the validity of same-sex marriages that already exist. Such an amendment would affect over 100,000 couples whose marriages have already taken place as well as those who plan to marry in the future. Despite increasing public opposition, Santorum appears confident in his position, stating that, “Just because public opinion says something doesn’t mean it’s right.” True enough, but public opinion does have significant influence in both Congress and the House of representatives, which require a majority vote to pass a new amendment. Santorum is not alone in his sentiments, however. Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich also support an amendment which would ban gay marriage, though neither has voiced support for nullifying those that already exist.
Such widespread support among Republican candidates is troubling, but not surprising; American history is plagued with instances of government support for Christian morals and traditions over those of other religions. One such case is that of the Pueblo Indians, whose dance ceremonies were considered “barbaric” and “immoral” in the eyes of the American Government. Though they were eventually permitted to practice their dances by claiming protection under the First Amendment, they endured years of religious persecution and personal sacrifice in the process. The Mormons were another group to experience such persecution at the hands of the Federal Government, though their use of the First Amendment as a means for defending the practice of polygamy was significantly less successful than that of the Pueblos. In the 1879 Reynolds v. United States case the Supreme Court ruled that religious freedom was not a sufficient defense for the practice of polygamy, citing examples of human sacrifice as practices akin to plural marriage. Once again, the government imposed its Christian morals on a group whose practices were considered inferior or immoral. The same is true of Santorum and his support for a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage – he would be using the power of the Federal Government to impose his own religious views on the American people.
This imposition of Christian morals and traditions by the government and its leaders is detestable. You cannot in one moment argue for “freedom and justice for all” and in the next moment impose your beliefs on another. Often we talk about the First Amendment in terms of Americans’ freedom to choose which religion they wish to practice, but what of the freedom from religion? Is Christianity the necessary default for American citizens who do not wish to practice any one religion or can they determine “right” and “wrong” for themselves? Certainly, a person’s private practices should have minimal bearing on other people’s rights (i.e. no human sacrifice or destruction of private property), but there is absolutely no valid reason why Rick Santorum or any other candidate should be permitted to ban gay marriage or nullify existing marriages, the least of which being established Christian morals and traditions.

Tuesday, February 28, 2012

Muslim Judge Thows Out Case on Attack of Man Dressed as Zombie Muhammad

Tuesday, February 28, 2012 - 0 Comments


This past Halloween in the city of Mechanicsburg, PA, a parade was held where people could dress in costume.  A group called the Atheists of Central Pennsylvania decided to attend with costumes that included a zombie Pope and a zombie Muhammad.  Talaag Elbayomy, a Muslim spectator, was offended by the zombie Muhammad costume, worn by Ernie Perce, and physically attacked Perce.  Elbayomy stated that he felt compelled to “do something” because he believed that to have Muhammad depicted as a zombie was a crime.  Both Perce and Elbayomy filed reports against each other to the police, but only Elbayomy was charged with harassment.  The case was seen in District Court with Judge Mark Martin who dismissed the case against Elbayomy and called the victim a “doofus.”  The judge, who according to the article has served several times overseas in the Middle East, stated that if this incident had taken place in the Middle East, Perce would have been the criminal and put to death.

Another article (disclaimer: there is a picture of Perce in costume in this article)notes that Judge Martin recently converted to Islam and stated during his ruling: “I think our forefathers intended that we use the First Amendment so that we could speak what’s on our mind, not to p*** off other people and cultures, which is what you did…You are way outside your bounds of First Amendment rights…You’ve completely trashed their essence, their being.  I’m a Muslim.  I find it offensive.”

As Judge Martin states above, this is a case about the First Amendment, both in freedom of speech and freedom of religion.  Perce believed he had the right to express his opinions in whatever fashion he wanted and that by dressing up as a zombie Muhammad he was expressing his freedom of speech.  Elbayomy, on the other hand, believed that he had the right to defend his beliefs by attacking someone offending his faith.  Because Muslims believe that there should be no images of Muhammad, Perce was insulting Elbayomy, the Muslim faith, and the memory of Muhammad by portraying a zombie Muhammad.  However, is a physical attack justified by the offense?

While I am sympathetic to Elbayomy’s view and consider a zombie Muhammad (or any zombie religious figure) blasphemous, I do not agree with the actions of the court.  Yes, what Perce did was offensive and he probably should have respected the beliefs of others when deciding on a Halloween costume.  However, he broke no laws (national, state, or local) when he dressed in his costume.  He has the right to express himself in whatever fashion he feels appropriate as long as it does not violate any laws.  Elbayomy was offended by Perce’s costume but that does not give him the right to attack another in anger.  There are several legal, non-violent alternatives that Elbayomy could have utilized instead of attacking Perce.  The legality of an action is not a judgment on its tastefulness.  Just as the Westboro Baptist Church is within their rights to picket funerals, which many find distastful, Perce is within his rights to dress up as a zombie Muhammad.  And, as we have seen in court cases such as Reynolds v United States, 98 U.S 145 (1878) (in which it was determined that even though polygamy was considered a religious duty to those of the Mormon faith, that did not mean that federal laws could be broken in the name of religious freedom), Americans have the right to believe whatever they want, they just may not have the same right to actin whatever way they want.  Elbayomy may not believe that what Perce did was correct, but that does not mean he had the right to act in the way he did.  Judge Martin’s ruling is favoring Islam by throwing out the case, and that is unconstitutional according to the First Amendment which does not allow for the government to favor or disfavor “one view of religion over another.”

Monday, February 20, 2012

Romney Polygamy Family Tree

Monday, February 20, 2012 - 0 Comments

While Mitt Romney may disagree with the practice of polygamy and its practice by his prior church, polygamy seems to be very prominent in the Romney family tree. Romney ancestors did not only practice polygamy but endorsed it. Mitt Romney’s great-great grandfather Parley P Pratt had twelve wives and in 1852 sermon his brother Orson Pratt, “became the first church official to publicly proclaim and defend polygamy as a direct revelation from God”.  Romney’s great grandfather Miles Park Romney had 5 wives and he married the fifth one in 1897, after LDS church banned polygamy 6 years ago in 1891 and a federal law which banned the practice three decades earlier. Romney father, George Romney, former Michigan governor, who was born in Mexico, were church members who fled in the 1800’s after US law banned polygamy and to escape religious persecution. The Romney family did not return to the United States until 1912, “more than two decades after the church issued "The Manifesto" banning polygamy”.  While reading this family history, one realizes how much prominent polygamy was in the Romney family during Miles Park Romney and Parley Pratt’s time. 

It seems like generation after generation, they were all polygamist until the church banned it and US law prohibited it, polygamy started to fade away slowly from their lives.  The founder of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Joseph smith, had 33 wives and Brigham young, the guy who expanded the church from Midwest to Utah had 55 wives.  Smith’s repeatedly said the God authorized polygamy. That is a big issue, if this is not inequality, then what is?  A Man having 33 wives and 55 wives respectively, in my opinion is just cruel, unfair, and it degrades women. What makes men so superior than women and why were they the only ones allowed to practice polygamy and why couldn’t the women marry different men? 

Remember the court case?, Reynolds vs. Unites States, where the court found that laws banning polygamy were constitutional and did not violate the Mormons right to free exercise of their religion. I believe that court made the right decision because freedom of religion is not greater than the law of the land. 

As a part of activity we did in class the other day, I was part of “Protecting Mormon Women’s rights”  group , and after reading this article I have a witness and I would like to make a case against the church leaders and other various for-polygamy groups. The witness in this case is Hanna Hood Hill, Miles Park Romney’s (great-grandfather) first wife and our presidential candidate, Mitt Romney’s great- grandmother.  In her biography she stated “I felt that was more than I could endure, to have him divide his time and affections from me. I used to walk the floor and shed tears of sorrow. If anything will make a woman's heart ache, it is for her husband to take another wife. ... But I put my trust in my heavenly father, and prayed and pleaded with him to give me strength to bear this great trial." This statement above, clearly shows that pain of Mormon women, who had to endure watching her husband with several other women, and were not for-polygamy, rather were opposed to it.  They may have been forced to practice polygamy, but that didn’t mean they believed in it and it is a clear example of male domination over women.  While Romney has said on several TV occasions that he believes a "marriage is between a man and a woman ... and a woman and a woman”, while his views may have changed over the years, but we still haven’t forgotten the history.

Implications of President Obama's Contraception Policy

In response to President Obama’s compromise, which lifted the obligation of providing free contraception off of religious institutions and placed it on insurers, several church officials met with members of congress in order to discuss the implications of such a policy. The clergy in attendance addressed the insufficient appeal of President Obama’s proposed compromise. According to the religious institutions, the limited exception failed to address the main point of their opposition. Although the new policy would not oblige religious institutions to directly finance the contraception services, the moral implications of offering it through insurance companies would still lie on the employers. This means that with the new policy in effect, employers are still required to offer insurance plans explicitly contradictory to the doctrine they preach. According to a rabbi in attendance, “Religious organizations would still be obligated to provide employees with an insurance policy that facilitates acts violating the organization’s religious tenets”.

A Catholic reverend in Massachusetts addresses the issue of contraception and clearly states the church’s opposition to it. Reverend Roger J. Landry employs Pop John Paul II’s sermons on intercourse which discuss the complete devotion of oneself in exchange for another’s love. Landry goes on to describe the exploitation which can occur when the purpose of intercourse is not of a reproductive nature, but pleasure. According to the priest, “When that petition is made for contraception, it’s going to make pleasure the point of the act, and any time pleasure becomes the point rather than the fruit of the act, the other person becomes the means to that end”. Although many, including other Catholics reject his explicit opposition on the basis that it is oppressive to women, he explains that by refusing contraception and using intercourse strictly as a means for reproduction, the use of women for sexual pleasure becomes eliminated.

Despite the doctrinal differences among them, all of the clergy in attendance were opposed to Obama’s policy on contraception. All parties involved in this issue seem to agree that the policy is a bold move by Obama in the political arena. According to some, the policy is Obama’s way of increasing abortions and contraception while others claim the church is acting in accordance with an age old intention of oppressing women. Although both are certainly possibilities, the moral implications of the policy will probably be milder than either case is arguing. Those who staunchly oppose preventive medicine do not do so because of its limited availability, and so will not become suddenly supportive of it after this policy is put into action.

Clearly the institution of the policy would be imposing on the rights of the religious institutions. By requiring employers to offer services, however indirectly, which are contradictory to their doctrine, the state is forcing the institutions to act against their religious beliefs. However, if the policy does not go into effect, the legislation would be bending to the rights of the institution over the rights of the individuals. The larger issue at hand seems to be who to cater to. The rights of the individual have always seemed to take priority over those of possibly oppressive institutions in our nation’s history. In accordance with this, the legislation of this country has never seemed to bend to church doctrine in the past. The trend of increased individual rights is not likely to cease, despite the threat of secularism in the nation. The freedom to choose is essential to the American individual, despite how that may oppress larger institutions.

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